……自是礼司益无凭准，每有大事，皆参会古今礼文，临时撰定。然贞观、显庆二礼，皆行用不废。[4]
Those who presided over ceremonies would take items piecemeal from both ritual codes to make their own particular selections.[5]Thus，sections of each were used for each ceremony，juggled and juxtaposed according to the understanding of the ritual expert（lisi礼司）in charge.An example of this would be Wei Shuxia韦叔夏who along with Jia Taiyin贾太隐and Pei Shouzhen裴守贞sketched out the basic ritual design for Emperor Gaozong＇s mausoleum.For this，Wei Shuxia was awarded the post of assistant director of the Ministry of Rites.He presided over many other important rituals，such as Wu Zetian＇s visits to the Mingtang明堂，and was vice－director of the Court for Imperial Sacrifices in the first year of Shenlong（705）.[6]
This situation，that ministers would make up texts as they went along on different ceremonies，was judged intolerable during the fourteenth year of Kaiyuan（726）.
The solution for the rites of ministers of all grades，first through seventh，was the compilation called the DaTang?Kaiyuanli大唐开元礼，which was put to use in 732.It had the complete death rituals for ministers of all grades（divided into three sections—third grade and up，fourth and fifth grades，sixth grade and below—in other words，high grade officials，middle class officials and lower class officials）.For members of the imperial family，however，there were still no explicit codes.Imperial family members usually relied on ritual experts to tell them what was allowed or not allowed in ritual codes.Any questions of the scale，size and grandeur of the tomb would sometimes be simply decided by the emperor in court after some debate among ministers.[7]
[1]For the period between Wude（618－627）and Zhenguan（627－650），please see Gao Mingshi，“LunWude dao Zhenguan de chengli—Tangchao liguo zhengce de yanjiu zhi yi”in Di er jie guoji Tangdai xueshu huiyi lunwenji，edited byTangdaixuehui（Taipei：Wenjin publishers，1993）.
[2]Howard Wechsler，Offerings of Jade and Silk：Ritual and Symbol in the Legitimation of the T’ang?Dynasty（New Haven and London：Yale University Press，1985），42.
[3]JiangBoqin，Dunhuang yishu zongjiao yu liyue wenming（Beijing：Zhongguoshehuikexue chubanshe，1996），443－4.
[4]Jiu Tang shu，21：818.
[5]Officials at this time were likely to have studied ancient ritual texts such as the Zhouli周礼，the Yili仪礼，and the Liji礼记.
[6]Jiu Tang?shu 189：4960.For a succinct and clear description of the early ritual codes，see Wechsler 1985：40－4.
[7]An example of this was when the emperor decided that Princess Anle＇s husband could not be buried in a ling.Jiu Tang?shu 189：4972－4974.
The Yuanling yizhu元陵仪注
The Tang official Yan Zhenqing颜真卿wrote The Yuanling?yizhu元陵仪注“Commentary to the Yuanling Ritual Directives”in 779.The Directives were meant to be an individual set of instructions for the funeral rituals of Daizong（r.763－779），conducted in 779.[1]The Commentary survives mainly as a series of fragments in Tongdian通典＇s“xiongli凶礼”chapters.They are，for the most part，headed with the phrase“According to Commentaries on the Yuanling Ritual Directives of the Great Tang：...（大唐元陵仪注）”From these Commentaries one can reconstruct the ritual structure of a Tang emperor＇s funeral.
Apart from the difference in scale，the rites for the emperor and the rites for a minister are not all that different.Hence，it is rather useful to examine and compare the ritual texts of both the Yuanlingyizhu（769），which was written for an emperor＇s funeral，and sections of the Kaiyuanli（732）which was written for ministers of the third grade and above.We find the ritual sequence almost identical，however，where the Kaiyuanli is fairly complete in terms of ritual sequences，the Yuanlingyizhu is more specific in terms of who the participants were and exactly where the ritual events took place.In short，the latter may be likened to an action script，with specific and detailed instructions where appropriate，whereas the Kaiyuanli is comparable to a complete sequence of scene summaries.
It is exactly this quality of the Yuanlingyizhu，this blow－by－blow account，which is of particular interest to this study，for it manifests the extraordinary symmetry between the palace and tomb complex，and to a somewhat lesser degree，the ancestral temple.
[1] See discussion of this and other rituals in Jiang，442－454.
Death sequence in terms ofauspicious／inauspicious
Death rites were normally regarded as unlucky affairs，usually listed under headings of chapters called“inauspicious rituals”xiongli凶礼.Originally，ji吉was meant to be for ceremonies of the living—such as weddings and other celebrations，and accordingly，its rites were called“auspicious rituals”jili吉礼.
It is clear，even from a cursory examination of the death rituals of both the Kaiyuanli开元礼and the Yuanling yizhu元陵仪注，that bothelements of xiong凶and ji吉are evident in funeral rites.Even during the Jin晋dynasty（265－419），xiong and ji aspects both existed in funerary ritual codes，and arguments were waged about their exact and correct relationship.The funerary ritual，the construction of the tomb and other related structures，the making of objects for the tombs can all be considered to be products of the complex relationship between the two aspects of death in the Tang.Simply，there is a dichotomy between the corpse—which is certifiably dead（i.e.after the fu复“calling back the spirit ceremony”）and possibly noxious to the living and which therefore must be put away but treated well—and the living ancestor spirit which was preserved at family temples and pandered to in order to secure success for the line.This dichotomy is most clearly delineated by the notions of xiong凶and ji吉in the funerary ritual.
The Jin（265－419）dynastic histories Jinshu晋书recorded that ji?would be included with the xiong rites in funerary arrangements“According to the precedent set in the Han and Wei dynasties...”[1]The Jin had inherited a series of debates from the Zhouli，with its descriptions of the xiangche祥车.[2]And from that period onward，there were a series of debates about the xiong and ji rites：whether ji rites belonged in a funerary service，which rites would have musical groups，how the two interacted，how the two should never mix seriously in a ceremony.There was always fear of contamination.
The Tang scholar Fang Xuanling访玄龄had finished compilation of the early Tang ritual code，the Zhenguanli，in 633.Seven years later，he completed the Jinshu.It is highly likely that Fang and other like－minded Tang scholars pondered these following issues in ritual procession in the Jinshu：
According to the precedent set in the Han and Wei dynasties，one would at burial set up separately the auspicious（ji吉）and inauspicious（xiong凶）processions，both of which included fifes and drums.The New Rites—［noting］that there is no record in the Rituals［Zhouli］of auspicious vehicles，leading or following—holds that it is not proper for ministers to change from traditional funeral clothes to the wearing of colorful silks，so as to eliminate the auspicious procession altogether.Also，［the New Rites notes］that the inauspicious procession should not have music，the eight music［al instruments］[3]being silenced［when the emperor dies］，thus eliminating the fifes and drums of the inauspicious dress.Zhi Lu挚卢supposes，“At the funeral there is the xiangche祥车on the left ground.It is today＇s rongche容车.[4]After the burial，when at midday the offerings of return[5]are done，one reverses the auspicious procession to return.In the Chunqiu，when a high minister of the Zheng，Gongsun Chai，died，the Son of Heaven gave him posthumously a large lu辂（state carriage）in order to expedite his passage.During a gentleman＇s funerary rituals，the burial uses a covered chariot in order to move the clothing used in life.Not all of these［vehicles］were used for conveying the coffin and there is clear textual evidence for the auspicious（ji）vehicles.When planning an auspicious retinue，it is best to have guides and followers，because this portrays the［deceased＇s］former life....[6]It is thus fitting that the New Rites install guides and followers for the auspicious clothes as before，and the drums and fifes for those of inauspicious dress should be eliminated.”Proclaimed：Let it be so.
汉魏故事，将葬，设吉凶卤簿，皆以鼓吹。新礼以礼无吉驾导从之文，臣子不宜释其衰骂以敷玄黄，除吉驾卤簿。又，凶事无乐，遏密八音，除凶敷之鼓吹。挚虞以为：“葬有祥车旷左，则今之容车也。既葬，座中反虞，逆神而还。椿秋传，郑大夫公孙虿卒，天子追赐大路，使以行。士丧礼，葬有槁车[7]乘车，以载生之敷。此皆不唯载柩，兼有吉驾之明文也。既设吉驾，则宜有导从，以象平生之容，明不致寺之义。臣子衰骂不得为慎而释，以为君副则无不可。顾命之篇足以明之。宜定新礼设吉敷导从如旧，其凶敷鼓吹宜除。”诏从之。[8]
The Tang Tongdian contains a different version of the same debate.[9]Here，the ji吉（“auspicious”）procession，at one time nearly eliminated，is reinstated and representative of the deceased＇s former life.The auspicious，not the inauspicious procession，used fifes and drums.As the previous passage proclaims，the fifes and drums of the inauspicious dress are eliminated.Similarly，the deceased＇s former clothes and ornaments are brought to the tomb in the auspicious procession.
The dynastic histories of the Chen（557－587）[10]also contained discussions of the xiong and ji.During the discussions，it was said，“The coffin is an offering to the imperial tomb；the mat on which things were placed is offered in the ancestral temple.This kind of division is to manifest auspiciousness ji or inauspiciousness xiong.梓宫祔山陵，灵筵祔宗庙，有此分判，辨验吉凶.”[11]The main points of the argument were whether the retinue for the xiong or ji should be wearing normal or mourning clothes.[12]Another account of this same discussion was also recorded in the Nanshi.[13]Significantly，one of the main points made in these discussions was that ji and xiong should not be mixed together.
Though these texts were about earlier times，they were still the same issues that ministers must have thought and written about in the Tang.The minister Fang Xuanling访玄龄presented the Jinshu晋书in 644，right between the dates of the two most important ritual texts of the seventh century，the Zhenguanli贞观礼（633）and the Xianqingli显庆礼（658），and he is representative of Tang scholars who researched ancient histories for the building blocks of a new Tang ritual code.In doing so，they must have had the debates about xiong and ji in mind.This is further evidenced by a passage in the Tongdian：
According to previous regulations，every year during the［last］month of［each of］the four seasons，an envoy was sent to the various imperial mausolea to look after the well－being（qiju起居）of the imperial ancestors.One day，Tang Shao，an Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices，submitted a memorandum which said，“Once the tomb is established，according to ritual there are no more offerings and sacrifices at the tomb.‘Going out’means accompanying the body to the imperial tomb in the hills，a place of profound quiet；‘the return’means welcoming the spirit to the ancestral temple，a hall for auspicious offerings.Envoys sent to inspect the mausolea during the second and seventh months of the year would prepare the necessary honor guards，clothes，crown and rites.Ever since the years of Tianshou（690－691），from time to time qiju occurs.And this practice continues to this day，becoming a regular occurrence....”
旧制，每年四季之月，常遣使往诸陵起居。是座太常博士唐绍上疏曰：“自安宅兆，礼不祭墓。当谓宋形而往，山陵为幽静之宫；赢精而返，宗庙为享荐之室。但以椿秋仲月，命使巡陵，卤簿裔冠，礼容必备。自天授以厚，时有起居，因循至今，乃为常事。”[14]
Besides the two spheres discussed above—i.e.the palace and the tomb—there are also the two ritual differences—xiong凶and ji吉—which manifest themselves in different directional quadrants.For example，the Kaiyuanli maintains that“...The manager（zhangshizhe掌事者）prepares the auspicious and inauspicious tents that will be set up at places of rest（along the way to the tomb）.The xiong enclosure wei帷is in the west and the ji enclosure wei is in the east；both face south.The spirit seat（lingzuo灵座）is made up in the ji enclosure，just as in the normal circumstances.”[15]The Yuanling?yizhu indicates that both tents were set up already during the initial offerings at the deceased＇s palace and home.
The dichotomy begins with the ritual ceremony of jian?chema?mingqi?ji?shiguan荐车马明器及饰棺（“Offering the vehicles，funerary equipment，and decorated coffin”）continuing with the ritual zudian祖奠（ancestral offerings）in the courtyard in front of the main gates of the imperial palace，the Taijidian太极殿.The ritual instructions in the Tang Yuanling?yizhu call for setting up two enclosures：the auspicious jiwo吉幄and the inauspicious suwo素幄（plain，possibly white，tent）.
The Sequence of Events for Tang funerary Ritual
Event 14：Introducing the Vehicles，Grave goods，and Decorated Coffin jian chema mingqi ji shiguan荐车马明器及饰棺（partone）[16]
According to the Tang Yuanlingyizhu：
Two days before［departing for the cemetery］，the pertinent officials place the officials of the military and bureaucracy outside the Taiji Gate（Taijimen太极门），below the east and west corridors.They also set up drapes in the courtyard of the［Taiji］Hall.Inside the drapes they set up the auspicious tent（jiwo），within which they set up the spirit tablet facing south.And they set up the inauspicious tent（suwo，literally，plain tent）with the coffin－bearing sleid on the right side（west）of the jiwo，also facing south...
大唐元陵仪注：“歉二座，所司设文武群官次于太极门外，东西廊下。又设帐殿厅，帐□设吉幄，幄□设神座，南向。又设龙輴素幄于殿厅吉幄之右。”[17]
Fig.1 Introducing the Vehicles，Grave Goods，and DecoratedCoffin?jian?chema?mingqi?ji?shiguan荐车马明器及饰棺（part one）.Both the coffin－bearing vehicle and spiritaltar face south.
This is a part of the ceremonies that begin the gathering of the materials to be moved to the tombs as divided into two spheres.The sleigh bearing the body is on the west side in the inauspicious／plain cloth－enclosure；the altar with the spirit tablet is on the east side enclosed by the auspicious cloth－enclosure.Worship is clearly divided into the“body”and the“spirit”.For example，the succeeding emperor weeps bitterly at the coffin－bearing vehicle，as is proper in death.The spirit vehicle，in contrast，is served by attendants exactly as if this were a normal day in an emperor＇s life.From the beginning of departure，there were always two visions—one of past life（on the east side），one of the future death identity（on the west side）.
[1]Jinshu，20：626.
[2]Xiangche is the name of the vehicle which was used by the tomb occupant in his or her lifetime.After death，it was used as the“spirit vehicle”hunche浑车（where the spirit rides）in the ji吉section of the funeral procession.Ci Yuan，2278.
[3]This phrase means when the emperor dies，but literally，the“eight musics”refer to instruments in eight media—metal jin金，stone shi石，silk si丝，bamboo zhu竹，and gourd pao匏，pottery tu土，leather ge革，and wood mu木.Metal are bells（zhong钟）；stone are chimes（qin罄）；silk are the seven－stringed zither qin琴and the twenty－five stringed zither se瑟，bamboo are the vertical flutes xiao箫and guan管，gourd are the reed pipe instruments sheng笙and yu竽；pottery are the egg－shaped，wind instruments xun壎；leather are drums（gu鼓），wood is the wooden lacquer box struck at the beginning of performances（zhu柷）and the tiger－shaped vessel brushed by a bamboo handle to signal the end of performance（yu敔）.CY：298.
[4]Rongche vehicle used to transport the deceased＇s clothing and hats，portraits，etc.Commonly known as hunjiao浑轿.
[5]“yuji虞祭”are offerings after the burial to calm the spirit of the dead in the bingong殡宫.
[6]义＝容止.Ciyuan，2496.
[7]gaoche，vehicle with a roof to ward off rain，possibly a thatched roof.
[8]Jin shu，20：626.
[9]See Tongdian 79：2143.
[10] The Chen dynastic histories were compiled and edited（traditionally）by Wei Zheng魏徵（580－643）and Yao Silian姚思廉（557－637）.
[11]Chen shu 16：230.
[12]Chen shu 16：229－230.
[13]Nan shi 68：1667.
